网络安全的战略选择

随着网络空间的迅速扩张及其对社会各领域的全面渗透,网络空间不断增长的财富、战略价值以及世界经济社会运行对网络空间的深度依赖,使网络空间整体安全问题的重要性日益凸显,网络安全已成为国际社会面临的又一全球性公共问题。网络安全问题虽然属于国家安全范畴内的非传统安全领域,但国家对于安全的偏好没有改变,对安全追求的逻辑路径依旧。从理论的角度看,由于体系压力以及国家对于安全的追求,国家会选择制衡的战略,但在现实中,制衡经常缺位或迟到。受到非传统安全环境影响,地缘战略中分而治之、领土补偿、加强军备、联盟以及平衡手的存在等制衡方式和作用、意义同时发生了变化。细分到网络安全领域,沟通机制的不同、威慑效果不同、行为体的多样、行为判断的困难等特殊性,导致在网络安全领域,国家选择追随或合作将成为更优选择。     

The dark(er) side of ‘state failure’: state formation and socio-political variation

Scholars concerned with the formation of states, specifically the relationship between state formation and war, hold one of two positions. Some agree with Charles Tilly’s historiological conclusion that war is decisive for the establishment of stateness and specify key concepts, in order to explain presumed discrepancies between past and present. Others point towards the international sphere in its current form and advocate a ‘war breaks states’ perspective. This paper argues that both standpoints neglect the ‘sub-national’ level. While proponents of the ‘war breaks states’ thesis are missing para-sovereign zones of rule, supporters of the ‘war makes states’ approach take a juridical view of statehood and focus on ‘state strength’. The failed states paradigm guiding contemporary security and development policy hinders an adequate analysis of the actual situation on the ground. Discussing the shortcomings of failed states approaches and state formation theorising, the paper proposes a conceptualisation in terms of socio-political variation instead of a mere dichotomisation of order. Some conclusive questions are raised, indicating future research directions linked to the historical sociology of state formation.     

中国大一统的历史密码破译——基于政治经济制度的阐释

中国 “大一统”国家形态的形成源于治理水患与抵御外敌所需要的国家管理能力，而其维持则需要适应性的政治经济制度设计以维持中央政权的全面掌控能力。在农业社会，国家的控制能力取决于有效的组织体系与稳定的土地税收。为此，中国历代政权经过长期调整形成了以科举制为选拔机制的核心政治密码及建立有效土地制度和税收制度的经济密码。科举制能够更多地促进社会阶层的有序流动，延缓了侵占国家权力与土地税收的大地主的崛起，而土地制度虽然为适应人口及生产状况最终走向了私有制为主的道路，但在科举制确立以后的土地兼并再未形成影响国家行政能力的门阀地主阶层，从而有效地维持了国家的统一。因此，有序社会流动与土地税收制度设计正是保持历史上中国大一统的核心政治、经济密码。     

政府治理成本与公民满意:内在联系与成本控制

政府治理成本支出的高效化是政府治理的核心,也是公民满意的必要条件,而公民满意有利于政府治理成本的高效化,二者内在关系紧密。中国政府治理成本控制压力加大,政府治理有效性与公民需求存在一定差距,而广大人民对政府治理效能的期望不断提高,政府必须要树立善治理念,提高政府治理能力,遏制扩大治理成本的原始动机;树立人民至上的服务观念,科学决策和制定政策,遏制制度性成本;树立质量观念,不断提高公共产品与服务的供给质量;树立公平与共享理念,充分发挥公共财政调节机制,健全政府成本会计体系,增强人民的获得感和满意度,提高政府治理成本支出的有效性。     

Governance and Regulation of the Peruvian University System: Overcoming Reform Resistance through Quality Assurance Policies

This article examines the new governance of the Peruvian university system, which evolved in response to market liberalisation and weak quality assurance mechanisms. New actors and commercial interests emerged, building their network of relationships within the political arena. With the passing of a new Universities Law in 2014, ambitious reforms were set in motion, designed to reverse the decline in the quality of higher education. This study examines these reforms, focusing on whether and how they are changing the governance and structure of the system. It also identifies some conceptual and design flaws, such as the weaknesses of the main steering body and the accreditation regime, as well as limitations on the independence of the regulatory agency.     

都市生态治理中党政干部领导力探讨

推进都市生态治理是促进区域经济社会协调可持续发展的应有之义。本文以A省S市都市生态治理中党政干部领导力为基点,阐释了S市党政干部在生态治理中发挥的核心作用,同时也发现其中面临领导动力弱化、领导效益损耗、领导协同失效、领导制度选择性执行等困局。因此,应从增强都市生态治理中党政干部领导自洽力、提升领导转换力、激活领导制度力、培育领导协同力、厚植内生领导力等方面寻求破解之道。     

“扶贫抗争”与农村反哺资源的分配治理——基于秦巴山区T镇的田野研究

资源反哺背景下，扶贫资源的输入对农村基层治理既是有利条件又是新的挑战。农村社会在获得扶贫资源、摆脱贫困的同时，也出现了资源分配的新问题。从秦巴山区T镇扶贫实践过程来看，扶贫抗争已经成为当前农民抗争的重要形式。与传统的日常抵抗、依法抗争相比，扶贫抗争在动因上大多起因于相对不受益，在方式上具有低烈度不满的特征，在形态上表现为弥散性氛围。对于中国农村基层治理而言，需要完善农村社会的分配治理机制，做好资源反哺的“期待控制”、协调多重面向的“分配正义”、强化基层治理的“主动回应”，以此为基础提高农村分配治理能力，完善“资源反哺—资源分配—农民满意—治理有效”的逻辑链条。     

Rethinking measures of democracy and welfare state universalism: Lessons from subnational research

ABSTRACT

Democracy and the welfare state are two of the most extensively studied concepts and themes in the field of comparative politics. Debate about how to best measure the two concepts has failed to contemplate the extent to which political and social rights are uniformly present across distinct regions of the national territory, despite the presence of substantial subnational research that underscores wide variation inside countries. We argue that this omission hampers our understanding of the two phenomena and we propose a new measure of democracy and healthcare universalism, which we call the Adjusted Measures of Democracy and Welfare Universalism. The new measures integrate territorial inequality into existing national-level indicators, providing a more accurate picture of country performance and opening the door to new, multi-level theory building.     

Social Policy by Other Means: Theorizing Unconventional Forms of Welfare Production

Abstract

The goal of this special issue is to highlight the importance of unconventional social policies, theorize their development in comparison with traditional welfare state accounts and outline a new research agenda. In this introduction to the special issue, the editors present the concept of social policy by other means as encompassing two kinds of unconventional social policy (from the point of view of mainstream comparative research): First, functional equivalents to formal systems of social protection and, second, non-state provision of benefits. The concept builds upon a sizeable, but fragmented literature in comparative welfare state research. While numerous examples demonstrate that social policy by other means is more pervasive in both OECD and non-OECD countries than often acknowledged, a brief survey of the top 20 articles in the field reveals that this fact is not sufficiently reflected in the academic literature. With reference to both existing studies and the contributions to this special issue, the editors go on to explore (1) the different forms of social policy by other means, (2) explanatory theories and (3) their effectiveness in terms of social outcomes. They close by outlining a research agenda.     

Feminism in the Humanitarian Machine. Introduction to the Special Section on ‘The Politics of Intervention Against (Conflict-Related) Sexual and Gender-based Violence’

ABSTRACT

The prevention and mitigation of sexual and gender-based violence in (post-) conflict societies has become an important humanitarian activity. This introductory article examines the analytical discourses on these interventions, the institutionalization of SGBV expertise in international politics, and the emancipatory potential of anti-SGBV practices. It argues that the confluence of feminist professional activism and militarized humanitarian interventionism produced specific international activities against SGBV. As part of the institutionalization of gender themes in international politics, feminist emancipatory claims have been taken up by humanitarian organizations. The normal operating state of the humanitarian machine, however, undercuts its potential contribution to social transformation towards larger gender equality in (post-) conflict societies.